Bringing the powers home to build a better
nation
“We shall not cease from
exploration and the end of all our exploring will be to arrive where we started
and know the place for the first time”
That wonderful TS Eliot quotation always makes me think of Scotland.
As a nation, we have done a lot of exploring – we were a sovereign, independent country, and
then gave our independence away.
We helped to build an empire, and saw it decay.
We transformed a rural economy into the workshop of the world – and then watched as the work left.
We discovered oil and stood by as the revenues were spent by
others.
And today - with more oil, in value, still in the North Sea than
has already been extracted - we stand on the brink of a renewable energy
revolution.
Politically, we have been a Liberal stronghold. We have voted Tory in huge numbers - hard
though it is to believe that now. We
have been a bastion for the Labour party.
We have argued over our best form of government for centuries and
after three hundred years without it now have our own parliament. A parliament that was intended to kill demand
for independence stone dead, but is now governed by a pro independence
majority.
And in 2014, we will decide if we want to complete our
parliament's powers and restore our nation's sovereignty. And that is when
Scotland will have the chance to bring home the powers we need to build a
better country.
Today I want to talk, as a Scottish Government Minister, about the
Scottish Government‘s case for independence and our vision for an
independent Scotland.
Of course, we are not the only voice on the Yes side of the
independence debate and others will have different ideas – ideas that they will be able to put to the
people in elections to an independent Scottish Parliament.
As with the other side of the campaign, those supporting a Yes
vote will not agree on everything. That
is healthy. Indeed, it is confirmation of the vibrant democracy that an
independent Scotland would be.
But, as Scotland’s elected government, we have a duty to set out
our plans and our vision and that is what we will do.
Today I want to set out why independence is essential for Scotland
– not as an end in itself but as a means to
achieve the Scotland we seek.
A country with a stable economy that works for the many and not
just the few; one that knows it must create the wealth it needs to support the
strong public services we value; a country that manages our vast resources
responsibly, with an eye to the future; a country that gets the government it
votes for; a country that has fairness at its core and and allows all of us as
individuals to reach our full potential.
That is the destination of our journey – Scotland. The Scotland we want to be.
A nation like any other, a nation bound in the grasp of other
nations as we are all united in a globalised world, but a nation that knows
itself, perhaps for the first time.
A nation that makes its own decisions and shapes its own future.
That, for me, is the point of independence.
One of the great intellectuals of the nationalist movement - and
someone we all miss dearly – the late Professor Sir Neil MacCormick,
distinguished between what he called the existentialist and the utilitarian
strands of the nationalist movement. The former described those who thought
Scotland was entitled to be independent simply because we are a nation, the
latter that independence was a tool to deliver a better society.
While I recognise the distinction Neil drew and realise that there
are some in our national movement who base their political beliefs more on the
fact of nationhood, I would suggest that today most SNP members are an amalgam
of these two strands.
For my part, and I believe for my generation, I have never doubted
that Scotland is a nation. And while I might not go on about a thousand years
of history and that sort of thing I take it for granted as a simple fact that
Scotland is a nation with an inalienable right to self-determination.
But for me the fact of nationhood or Scottish identity is not the
motive force for independence. Nor do I believe that independence, however
desirable, is essential for the preservation of our distinctive Scottish
identity. And I don’t agree at all that feeling British – with all of the shared social, family and cultural
heritage that makes up such an identity – is in any way inconsistent with a pragmatic, utilitarian support
for political independence.
My conviction that Scotland should be independent stems from the
principles, not of identity or nationality, but of democracy and social
justice.
Firstly I believe that Scotland has a democratic right to choose
our own government and determine her own future, a democratic right to put in
place her own values and a democratic duty to make her own decisions.
And secondly, I want Scotland to be a country that sees enterprise
and fairness as two sides of the same coin.
Down the years, many people have asked me why I ended up in the
SNP and not the Labour Party. Why did a young girl, growing up in a working
class family in the west of Scotland - a part of the country where in those
days, they would joke that the Labour vote was weighed rather than counted;
someone who was, just like Labour was in those days, anti-Trident and
pro-social justice and went on to work as a social justice lawyer in Drumchapel
- why does that person end up in the SNP instead of Labour?
The reason is simple. I joined the SNP because it was obvious to
me then - as it still is today - that you cannot guarantee social justice
unless you are in control of the delivery.
And that is my central argument to you today. Not just that
independence is more than an end in itself. But that it is only by bringing the
powers home, by being independent, that we can build the better nation we all
want.
And I ask you, as you make up your minds over these next two
years, to base your decision, not on how Scottish or British you feel, but on
what kind of country you want Scotland to be and how best you think that can be
achieved.
Our referendum may be asking only one question, but in truth
Scotland faces two choices – the first is whether to bring the powers home
to govern ourselves, rather than stick with UK governance.
And the second is – what kind of society do we want to be.
But we don't get to make the second choice without being prepared
to make the first.
The powers of independence are the tools we need to build the
country we want to be.
The challenges we face as a country today are real - and they are
not just short term effects of the recession or global problems shared by all
other countries.
The poverty and inequality that is a scar on the face of our
nation, the lag in economic growth, the flow of our brightest and best out of
Scotland – these are not recent problems. These are
long-standing and long-term challenges that UK governments of whatever colour
have failed to address.
The UK today is the 4th most unequal society in the developed
world. 1 in 5 Scottish children live in poverty. 800,000 Scots live in fuel
poverty.
Over the past 50 years, Scotland’s average economic growth rate has been 40% lower than equivalent,
independent countries.
Recently, the Economist Intelligence Unit published its ‘where to be born’ index that looks at a range of quality of life measures. The UK
ranked 27th. But four out of the top five countries - Switzerland, Norway,
Sweden and Denmark - are countries with many similarities to Scotland.
What do these other small countries have that we don’t? It's not resources, talent or the
determination of our people.
What they do have is the independence to take decisions that are
right for them.
The example of these other countries should tell us that the
challenges we face today are not inevitable. The problems can be solved – but only if we equip ourselves with the powers
we need to solve them.
So the debate we will have over these next two years must be a
debate about the most effective political and economic unit to achieve the
economic growth and the social justice that the Scottish people want. It is, in
many ways, our version of the same question being asked across all mature
western democracies. How to build a thriving but sustainable economy that
benefits the many not the few.
The Westminster system of government has had its chance - and
failed.
Today, independence is the pragmatic way forward.
Back in 1707, the Union was formed out of the self-interest of the
elites of both nations – and it could never be said to have been the
democratic choice of Scotland.
The purpose of the state then was to advance trade, wage wars and
provide a structure of social order.
Then, in the mid-20th century, the creation of the
welfare state played an overwhelming role in giving the union a new purpose.
Britain lost the colony of India, but we all gained a new territory in the
shape of free health care and social protection from cradle to grave. Alongside
the BBC, these things began to define British-ness.
And, of course, devolution - to Scotland, Wales and Northern
Ireland - was itself an attempt to renew the UK state.
But the UK’s ability to re-invent itself is spent. The
Westminster parties are at best sceptical and at worst hostile to further
substantial reform in Scotland’s interests. The post-war economic decline has
continued and now the very institutions which once made us distinct, the
welfare state and - in England - the NHS, are under attack from the Westminster
system of government.
What we do we get from leaving our powers in the control of
others? A high risk economy and an
eroding social fabric.
And let us be clear - to vote no in 2014 consigns us to that path.
A deeply indebted state spending money on Trident weapons of mass
destruction while cutting welfare.
A state adrift from Europe and increasingly isolated on the wider
stage.
And to those who say that the answer is to change the occupant of
number 10 and the colour of the UK government, I say we have been there and
done that and the challenges we face remain undiminished.
Labour’s argument is that Scotland should bear the
storms of UK membership when the Tories are in office because, in the event of
a Labour government, things will improve more than they ever could with
independence.
To me, that argument is deeply flawed.
First, I simply do not believe that Scotland should have to put up
with long periods of UK government led by a party we did not vote for. It is -
surely - democratically indefensible that although the Tories have never won a
majority of votes or seats in Scotland in my entire lifetime – or even come anywhere close – they have nevertheless governed Scotland for
more than half of my lifetime.
Second, it is clear from its record that for Labour to be elected
across the UK, it must become something different to what Scotland wants.
Social justice becomes a policy to be bartered against other
interests - wars, nuclear weapons and welfare cuts.
In the end the Blair government elected in 1997 was not an
alternative to Conservatism. It was business as usual.
So when the promise of ‘no more
boom and bust’ went bust the banks were rescued and ordinary
families left to pay the price - facing joblessness, bankruptcy, falling living
standards, a sense of uncertainty about the future and the prospect of being
the first generation unable say with confidence that our children will be
better off than we are.
So I reject the argument that the best route to achieve our vision
for social justice is to stay in the United Kingdom and hope for a different
government.
The record of recent governments of all three UK parties,
stretching back more than 30 years, is of failure to address the problems that
hold back our economy and our society.
To vote no would be to pass on the ability to achieve the social
justice we want – because history shows that the Westminster
system of government won't deliver it.
So if that is the critique of the current United Kingdom and its
parties, what is the alternative?
What is the positive case for independence to achieve our vision
of a more prosperous and socially just nation?
To vote yes is to vote not just for new powers – but for new powers that we will use for a
purpose.
To bring the powers home to make a fresh start. A chance to begin
again in response to the 21st century,
There is little point in bringing the powers home to just carry on
as before. When devolution was delivered, it brought powers home but Labour
didn’t have a clear enough idea of what it wanted to
do with them. We know what we want to do.
Our overwhelming objective is to benefit, not just this, but the
next and future generations.
Bringing the powers home has to be the in interests of long term
substantial change.
Yes, we will make changes in the short term – the sensible use of borrowing powers to get our
economy growing faster, for example. Or action to deal with sky-high air passenger
duty that is damaging trade and tourism. Or changes to Tory welfare reforms.
But we are not just talking just about a few presents which keep
us happy on Independence Day. This is about change for the long term.
It is about ending, once and for all, the cycle of deprivation so
that our people can enter a thriving economy and contribute more meaningfully
to their own well-being and that of the world.
Over the next 12 months, as we approach the publication of the
independence White Paper, through a range of papers, speeches and events, we
will show how we would set about that task.
We will set out the ‘how’ of bringing the powers home. These will cover
issues like the macro-economic framework, regulation and the transition to an
independent welfare system - in other words, the infrastructure of the state.
Our purpose in this body of work is simple – to show that we will be the most prepared nation in the world
gaining new powers, so that the transition is smooth.
UK politicians will say this is all too difficult. It can’t be done. It won’t work. Of course they will say that. Not because its true but
because they want to scare you off. It is in their vested interest to say so.
Some may believe it. Most
will not. Because in the end, the how of
independence can be done. We will
explain how it will be done in Scotland, and just a moment’s reflection on the number of new states that
have emerged in the years since the second world war proves that it can be done
- because so many have already done it.
And let’s never forget how far along the road to
independence Scotland already is. We are not starting from scratch. Donald
Dewar’s Scotland Act of 1998 may come to be seen as
one the finest pieces of legislation ever. It set up a parliament which was fit
for the 21st century – we are
already governing in a manner which is light years from the UK. We have in
place a great foundation – it was designed to be built on.
In the 13 years of devolution, great changes have occurred. We
lose sight of them in the pell mell of politics – but unlike the privatisation process south of the border, our
health service remains true to Nye Bevan’s founding principles; our education system has a new curriculum
fit for modern teaching and learning; our universities offer education based on
the ability to learn not the ability to pay; and our older people have more
security in their later years.
So we will remind people that we are already half way there – we have brought half the powers home, and made
a success of it. Now we must build on the foundation and bring the home the
rest. It is time to finish the job.
And if Scotland votes yes, I have no doubt that everyone – regardless of which side of the debate they
were on – will want and work for the best for Scotland.
The Edinburgh Agreement makes clear that the Scottish and UK
governments will work together to implement the outcome in the best interests
of the people of Scotland and the rest of the UK.
And although the independence negotiations that will follow a yes
vote will be led by the Scottish Government, we will not act alone.
If there is a yes vote for independence, then let me make it clear
- the Scottish Government will invite representatives of the other political
parties and of civic Scotland to contribute to those negotiations.
We will have had our debate and taken our decision. Each of us
will have argued our case strongly and passionately. But when the people have
spoken, we will emerge from it as one united nation.
We will be team Scotland, and at that moment in our history, I am
sure – whatever they say this side of the referendum -
that Johann Lamont, Ruth Davidson and Willie Rennie will argue Scotland’s case as strongly as Alex Salmond and Patrick
Harvie.
So, the process of how we will become independent is important.
People want to know that and they will.
But what really matters is the ‘why’ of independence. What will we do with the new
powers we will have to build a better nation? It will be the answers to that
question that will persuade people that the process of getting there – of becoming an independent nation – is worthwhile.
So the second strand of our work over the next 12 months will be
to lay out our ideas – and open up for wider debate – the ways in which the powers of independence
can be used to address the deep seated challenges in our economy and society – and to achieve the vision that I have laid out
today.
How do we build a more sustainable economy and a fair society? How
do we get our economy growing and ensure that the proceeds of that growth
benefit the many not the few. What changes will we make to tax and welfare to
incentivise hard work and protect the vulnerable? How will we close the gap
between rich and poor? How do we, once and for all, end the scandal of child
poverty in energy rich Scotland?
The great thing about devolution has been the ability to use the
powers we have to find – as the late Donald Dewar put it - Scottish
solutions to Scottish problems.
Imagine being able to put our minds to solving Scotland’s challenges with all of the important powers
that normal, independent countries have at their disposal.
To get the chance that new powers and responsibilities will give
us to re-think the purpose of government, to harness the energy of our
entrepreneurs and our community spirit to find the solutions to these
long-standing challenges, to get the chance to re-shape our nation – that truly is an historic opportunity.
It is exciting. It is inspiring. And it is infinitely better than
accepting the status quo, stay the same, business as usual approach that a no
vote would ensure - and which I am sure most people in Scotland would come to
regret if it happened.
To me it is the ‘why’ that
counts. Anyone can say that it’s too hard, or that it will be too much hassle
or that it will never work – that’s the
default position, the negative position.
But the world isn’t changed by those who accept things as they are
or who think that making things better is too difficult. It is changed by
people who - to quote that old Bobby Kennedy favourite – don’t look at things as they are and ask why, but
who look at things as they could be and ask why not.
When I think of the why of independence, I think of a child. Let’s call her Kirsty. She is part of the new
generation in this land.
According to where Kirsty is born, and what her parents will do,
much of her life will be pre-determined.
If we let Kirsty down in the first months of her life, then the
chances are that all the welfare, free education, and state intervention that
we can provide, will never quite make up for that. If we fail her when she is
young, then we have failed her for life.
Not only that – but by denying Kirsty proper support we have
switched her from being an asset – to
herself, her community and Scotland - and turned her into a demand – for money, services and help.
Every time we fail Kirsty, we fail our own future. Because Kirsty
will be the carer to tomorrow’s pensioners and the Chief Executive of tomorrow’s companies. She will be the inheritor of our
mistakes. Fail her now, and we fail her again and again and again, until she is
just another figure shuffling through our welfare statistics, set to die a
decade or so earlier than her richer neighbours.
I think of Kirsty because none of us in the movement to bring
powers home are doing it just for the here and now. We are doing it for Kirsty,
for our own version of that child, for the thousands of children right now
growing up in poverty, for the disabled person facing welfare cuts, for our
friends who can’t get a job or who are worrying about how to pay
the mortgage, for the single mother slaving away at two jobs but still
struggling to put food on the table.
We are doing it because we believe that it shouldn’t be that way; that is doesn’t have to be that way; and that the UK system of
government has had long enough to fix it – and failed.
That is the reason I am here – the Deputy First Minister of an SNP government, when everything
about me suggests I should have joined the Labour party.
And that is the reason why powers must come home. To give
ourselves the means to match the ambition, to make a fresh start, to build a
society fit for the future.
It is our duty to decide if future generations will live in charge
of their own fate, capable of tackling their own problems - or if we are going
to allow the mistakes of the past to be repeated into the future.
The sequence is clear. We vote in autumn 2014. The result will be
clear as Scotland wakes up the next day.
If Scots have voted no, then we will get the steady erosion of our
services and society that is already apparent under Westminster government.
If Scotland votes yes, it will have decided that there is a
different way, a better way.
The transition to independence will give us a once in a generation
opportunity to reinvent the purpose of government, and direct the wealth of our
nation in a way that liberates all the lives in our land.
Business as usual or a chance to build a new future – that’s the
real choice we face.
Bringing powers home is - to return to TS Eliot - to arrive where
we started and know the place for the first time - to know it by knowing the
purpose for which we are here.
Devolution started a journey for Scotland - it was not an end.
Independence will not be the end either.
The end will be the country we can build with the powers that
independence will give us.
A country that earns its wealth and shares it more fairly. A
country where every child has the chance to grow up and fulfil their potential.
A country confident in itself and its place in the world.
And a country that enjoys excellent relations with its friends
across these islands - as an independent Scotland will do.
On that last point, I ask you, just for a moment, to imagine a
post-independence declaration between the Scottish and UK governments. It might
go something like this:
'The relationship between our two countries has never been
stronger or more settled, as complex or as important as it is today.
Our citizens, uniquely linked by geography and history, are
connected today as never before through business, politics, culture and sport,
travel and technology and, of course, family ties.
Our two economies benefit from a flow of people, goods,
investment, capital and ideas on a scale that is rare even in this era of
global economic integration.'
Ladies and gentleman, that is not an imagined declaration. It is
an actual one. These are the opening paragraphs of the joint statement made by
the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach in March this year on the state of
British-Irish relations - a powerful illustration of the fact that political
independence is not about separation. It is about a relationship of equals
based on shared interests.
I started with a quote from TS Eliot. Let me end with Alasdair
Gray. He urged us to work as if we live in the early years of a better nation.
I believe we do live in the early days of a better nation. The
journey towards a better Scotland has started. The duty of our generation is to
ensure that the next generation has the ability to complete that journey.
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